Monday, January 28, 2008

STATE OF THE UNION EXCERPTS: On the Iraq War and a Warning to Iran


President George W. Bush
January 28, 2008

On the escalation of troop strength in Iraq:

Our foreign policy is based on a clear premise: We trust that people, when given the chance, will choose a future of freedom and peace. In the last seven years, we have witnessed stirring moments in the history of liberty and these images of liberty have inspired us. In the past seven years, we have also seen images that have sobered us (and) serve as a grim reminder: The advance of liberty is opposed by terrorists and extremists — evil men who despise freedom, despise America and aim to subject millions to their violent rule.
The Iraqi people quickly realized that something dramatic had happened. Those who had worried that America was preparing to abandon them instead saw our forces moving into neighborhoods, clearing out the terrorists and staying behind to ensure the enemy did not return. While the enemy is still dangerous and more work remains, the American and Iraqi surges have achieved results few of us could have imagined just one year ago.
Some may deny the surge is working, but among the terrorists there is no doubt. Al-Qaida is on the run in Iraq, and this enemy will be defeated.
On 2008 objectives in Iraq:
Our enemies in Iraq have been hit hard. They are not yet defeated, and we can still expect tough fighting ahead. Our objective in the coming year is to sustain and build on the gains we made in 2007, while transitioning to the next phase of our strategy. American troops are shifting from leading operations to partnering with Iraqi forces and, eventually, to a protective overwatch mission.
On this generation's response to the war on terror:
We must do the difficult work today, so that years from now people will look back and say that this generation rose to the moment, prevailed in a tough fight and left behind a more hopeful region and a safer America.
On Iran:
Our message to the people of Iran is clear: We have no quarrel with you, we respect your traditions and your history, and we look forward to the day when you have your freedom. Our message to the leaders of Iran is also clear: Verifiably suspend your nuclear enrichment so negotiations can begin. And to rejoin the community of nations, come clean about your nuclear intentions and past actions, stop your oppression at home and cease your support for terror abroad. But above all, know this: America will confront those who threaten our troops, we will stand by our allies and we will defend our vital interests in the Persian Gulf.
On the American people:
The secret of our strength, the miracle of America, is that our greatness lies not in our government, but in the spirit and determination of our people.

Saturday, January 26, 2008

WORLD WAR II: "If you don't need it, DON'T BUY IT" (Rationing)

Can you imagine if we were forced to ration in 2008?

During the war, goods were scarce: The basics, such as metal, rubber, sugar, and butter were carefully rationed.

Everyday items, such as shoes, were nearly impossible to obtain, and the ration book helped spread basic goods around.

Yet, according to my late grandmother, people willingly accepted rationing as a necessary part of the war effort.

I can't imagine having to do without; I come from the boomer generation, a group used to having what it wants, when it wants it.

I suspect that there was some black market activity, but most people probably followed the rules, which, by today's standards, seem draconian:

1. This book is valuable. Do not lose it.

2. Each stamp authorizes you to purchase rationed goods in the quantities and at the times designated by the Office of Price Administration. Without the stamps, you will be unable to purchase those goods.

3. Detailed instructions concerning the use of this book and the stamps will be issued. Watch for those instructions so that you will know how to use your book and stamps. Your Local War Price and Rationing Board can give you full instructions.

4. Do not throw this book away when all of the stamps have been used, or when the time for their use has expired. You may be required to present this book when you apply for subsequent books.

And then the government's rah-rah spiel and warnings:

Rationing is a vital part of your country's war effort. Any attempt to violate the rules is an effort to deny someone his share and will create hardship and help the enemy.

This book is your Government's assurance of your right to buy your fair share of certain goods made scarce by the war. Price ceilings have also been established for your protection. Dealers must post these prices conspicuously. Don't pay more.

Give your whole support to rationing and thereby conserve our vital goods. Be guided by the rule:

If you don't need it, DON'T BUY IT."

Please feel free to post your comments about rationing, especially if you were around back then or if your parents or grandparents told you any interesting stories. What was it like having to stretch resources?



Friday, January 25, 2008

VIETNAM WAR: President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Address to the Nation--Vietnam Renunciation Speech (March 31, 1968)

Good evening, my fellow Americans: Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia.

No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.

For years, representatives of our Government and others have traveled the world--seeking to find a basis for peace talks.

Since last September, they have carried the offer that I made public at San Antonio.

That offer was this:

That the United States would stop its bombardment of North Vietnam when that would lead promptly to productive discussions--and that we would assume that North Vietnam would not take military advantage of our restraint.

Hanoi denounced this offer, both privately and publicly. Even while the search for peace was going on, North Vietnam rushed their preparations for a savage assault on the people, the government, and the allies of South Vietnam.

Their attack--during the Tet holidays--failed to achieve its principal objectives. It did not collapse the elected government of South Vietnam or shatter its army--as the Communists had hoped.

It did not produce a "general uprising" among the people of the cities as they had predicted.

The Communists were unable to maintain control of any of the more than 30 cities that they attacked. And they took very heavy casualties.

But they did compel the South Vietnamese and their allies to move certain forces from the countryside into the cities.

They caused widespread disruption and suffering. Their attacks, and the battles that followed, made refugees of half a million human beings.

The Communists may renew their attack any day.

They are, it appears, trying to make 1968 the year of decision in South Vietnam--the year that brings, if not final victory or defeat, at least a turning point in the struggle.

This much is clear:

If they do mount another round of heavy attacks, they will not succeed in destroying the fighting power of South Vietnam and its allies.

But tragically, this is also clear: Many men--on both sides of the struggle--will be lost. A nation that has already suffered 20 years of warfare will suffer once again.

Armies on both sides will take new casualties. And the war will go on.

There is no need for this to be so.

There is no need to delay the talks that could bring an end to this long and this bloody war.

Tonight, I renew the offer I made last August to stop the bombardment of North Vietnam. We ask that talks begin promptly, that they be serious talks on the substance of peace. We assume that during those talks Hanoi will not take advantage of our restraint.

We are prepared to move immediately toward peace through negotiations.

So, tonight, in the hope that this action will lead to early talks, I am taking the first step to de-escalate the conflict. We are reducing - substantially reducing the present level of hostilities.

And we are doing so unilaterally, and at once.

Tonight, I have ordered our aircraft and our naval vessels to make no attacks on North Vietnam, except in the area north of the demilitarized zone where the continuing enemy buildup directly threatens allied forward positions and where the movements of their troops and supplies are clearly related to that threat.

The area in which we are stopping our attacks includes almost 90 percent of North Vietnam's population, and most of its territory. Thus there will be no attacks around the principal populated areas, or in the food-producing areas of North Vietnam.

Even this very limited bombing of the North could come to an early end--if our restraint is matched by restraint in Hanoi. But I cannot in good conscience stop all bombing so long as to do so would immediately and directly endanger the lives of our men and our allies. Whether a complete bombing halt becomes possible in the future will be determined by events.

Our purpose in this action is to bring about a reduction in the level of violence that now exists.

It is to save the lives of brave men--and to save the lives of innocent women and children. It is to permit the contending forces to move closer to a political settlement.

And tonight, I call upon the United Kingdom and I call upon the Soviet Union--as co-chairmen of the Geneva Conferences, and as permanent members of the United Nations Security Council - to do all they can to move from the unilateral act of de-escalation that I have just announced toward genuine peace in Southeast Asia.

Now, as in the past, the United States is ready to send its representatives to any forum, at any time, to discuss the means of bringing this ugly war to an end.

I am designating one of our most distinguished Americans, Ambassador Averell Harriman, as my personal representative for such talks. In addition, I have asked Ambassador Llewellyn Thompson, who returned from Moscow for consultation, to be available to join Ambassador Harriman at Geneva or any other suitable place-just as soon as Hanoi agrees to a conference.

I call upon President Ho Chi Minh to respond positively, and favorably, to this new step toward peace.

But if peace does not come now through negotiations, it will come when Hanoi understands that our common resolve is unshakable, and our common strength is invincible.

Tonight, we and the other allied nations are contributing 600,000 fighting men to assist 700,000 South Vietnamese troops in defending their little country.

Our presence there has always rested on this basic belief: The main burden of preserving their freedom must be carried out by them--by the South Vietnamese themselves.

We and our allies can only help to provide a shield behind which the people of South Vietnam can survive and can grow and develop. On their efforts--on their determination and resourcefulness the outcome will ultimately depend.

That small, beleaguered nation has suffered terrible punishment for more than 20 years.

I pay tribute once again tonight to the great courage and endurance of its people.

South Vietnam supports armed forces tonight of almost 700,000 men--and I call your attention to the fact that this is the equivalent of more than 10 million in our own population. Its people maintain their firm determination to be free of domination by the North.

There has been substantial progress, I think, in building a durable government during these last 3 years. The South Vietnam of 1965 could not have survived the enemy's Tet offensive of 1968. The elected government of South Vietnam survived that attack and is rapidly repairing the devastation that it wrought.

The South Vietnamese know that further efforts are going to be required:

--to expand their own armed forces,

--to move back into the countryside as quickly as possible, to increase their taxes,

--to select the very best men that they have for civil and military responsibility,

--to achieve a new unity within their constitutional government, and

--to include in the national effort all those groups who wish to preserve South Vietnam's control over its own destiny. Last week President Thieu ordered the mobilization of 135,000 additional South Vietnamese. He plans to reach--as soon as possible - a total military strength of more than 800,000 men.

To achieve this, the Government of South Vietnam started the drafting of 19-year-olds on March 1st. On May 1st, the Government will begin the drafting of 18-year-olds.

Last month, 10,000 men volunteered for military service--that was two and a half times the number of volunteers during the same month last year. Since the middle of January, more than 48,000 South Vietnamese have joined the armed forces--and nearly half of them volunteered to do so.

All men in the South Vietnamese armed forces have had their tours of duty extended for the duration of the war, and reserves are now being called up for immediate active duty.

President Thieu told his people last week:

"We must make greater efforts and accept more sacrifices because, as I have said many times, this is our country. The existence of our nation is at stake, and this is mainly a Vietnamese responsibility."

He warned his people that a major national effort is required to root out corruption and incompetence at all levels of government.

We applaud this evidence of determination on the part of South Vietnam. Our first priority will be to support their effort.

We shall accelerate the re-equipment of South Vietnam's armed forces--in order to meet the enemy's increased firepower. This will enable them progressively to undertake a larger share of combat operations against the Communist invaders. On many occasions I have told the American people that we would send to Vietnam those forces that are required to accomplish our mission there. So, with that as our guide, we have previously authorized a force level of approximately 525,000.

Some weeks ago--to help meet the enemy's new offensive--we sent to Vietnam about 11,000 additional Marine and airborne troops. They were deployed by air in 48 hours, on an emergency basis. But the artillery, tank, aircraft, medical, and other units that were needed to work with and to support these infantry troops in combat could not then accompany them by air on that short notice.

In order that these forces may reach maximum combat effectiveness, the Joint Chiefs of Staff have recommended to me that we should prepare to send--during the next 5 months--support troops totaling approximately 13,500 men.

A portion of these men will be made available from our active forces. The balance will come from reserve component units which will be called up for service.

The actions that we have taken since the beginning of the year

--to reequip the South Vietnamese forces,

--to meet our responsibilities in Korea, as well as our responsibilities in Vietnam,

--to meet price increases and the cost of activating and deploying reserve forces,

--to replace helicopters and provide the other military supplies we need, all of these actions are going to require additional expenditures.

The tentative estimate of those additional expenditures is $2.5 billion in this fiscal year, and $2.6 billion in the next fiscal year.

These projected increases in expenditures for our national security will bring into sharper focus the Nation's need for immediate action: action to protect the prosperity of the American people and to protect the strength and the stability of our American dollar.

On many occasions I have pointed out that, without a tax bill or decreased expenditures, next year's deficit would again be around $20 billion. l have emphasized the need to set strict priorities in our spending. l have stressed that failure to act and to act promptly and decisively would raise very strong doubts throughout the world about America's willingness to keep its financial house in order.

Yet Congress has not acted. And tonight we face the sharpest financial threat in the postwar era - a threat to the dollar's role as the keystone of international trade and finance in the world.

Last week, at the monetary conference in Stockholm, the major industrial countries decided to take a big step toward creating a new international monetary asset that will strengthen the international monetary system. l am very proud of the very able work done by Secretary Fowler and Chairman Martin of the Federal Reserve Board.

But to make this system work the United States just must bring its balance of payments to--or very close to--equilibrium. We must have a responsible fiscal policy in this country. The passage of a tax bill now, together with expenditure control that the Congress may desire and dictate, is absolutely necessary to protect this Nation's security, to continue our prosperity, and to meet the needs of our people.

What is at stake is 7 years of unparalleled prosperity. In those 7 years, the real income of the average American, after taxes, rose by almost 30 percent--a gain as large as that of the entire preceding 19 years.

So the steps that we must take to convince the world are exactly the steps we must take to sustain our own economic strength here at home. In the past 8 months, prices and interest rates have risen because of our inaction.

We must, therefore, now do everything we can to move from debate to action--from talking to voting. There is, I believe-I hope there is-in both Houses of the Congress--a growing sense of urgency that this situation just must be acted upon and must be corrected.

My budget in January was, we thought, a tight one. It fully reflected our evaluation of most of the demanding needs of this Nation.

But in these budgetary matters, the President does not decide alone. The Congress has the power and the duty to determine appropriations and taxes. The Congress is now considering our proposals and they are considering reductions in the budget that we submitted.

As part of a program of fiscal restraint that includes the tax surcharge, I shall approve appropriate reductions in the January budget when and if Congress so decides that that should be done.

One thing is unmistakably clear, however: Our deficit just must be reduced. Failure to act could bring on conditions that would strike hardest at those people that all of us are trying so hard to help.

These times call for prudence in this land of plenty. l believe that we have the character to provide it, and tonight I plead with the Congress and with the people to act promptly to serve the national interest, and thereby serve all of our people. Now let me give you my estimate of the chances for peace:

--the peace that will one day stop the bloodshed in South Vietnam,

--that will permit all the Vietnamese people to rebuild and develop their land,

--that will permit us to turn more fully to our own tasks here at home.

I cannot promise that the initiative that I have announced tonight will be completely successful in achieving peace any more than the 30 others that we have undertaken and agreed to in recent years.

But it is our fervent hope that North Vietnam, after years of fighting that have left the issue unresolved, will now cease its efforts to achieve a military victory and will join with us in moving toward the peace table.

And there may come a time when South Vietnamese--on both sides--are able to work out a way to settle their own differences by free political choice rather than by war.

As Hanoi considers its course, it should be in no doubt of our intentions. It must not miscalculate the pressures within our democracy in this election year.

We have no intention of widening this war.

But the United States will never accept a fake solution to this long and arduous struggle and call it peace.

No one can foretell the precise terms of an eventual settlement.

Our objective in South Vietnam has never been the annihilation of the enemy.

It has been to bring about a recognition in Hanoi that its objective--taking over the South by force--could not be achieved.

We think that peace can be based on the Geneva Accords of 1954--under political conditions that permit the South Vietnamese--all the South Vietnamese--to chart their course free of any outside domination or interference, from us or from anyone else.

So tonight I reaffirm the pledge that we made at Manila--that we are prepared to withdraw our forces from South Vietnam as the other side withdraws its forces to the north, stops the infiltration, and the level of violence thus subsides.

Our goal of peace and self-determination in Vietnam is directly related to the future of all of Southeast Asia--where much has happened to inspire confidence during the past 10 years. We have done all that we knew how to do to contribute and to help build that confidence.

A number of its nations have shown what can be accomplished under conditions of security. Since 1966, Indonesia, the fifth largest nation in all the world, with a population of more than 100 million people, has had a government that is dedicated to peace with its neighbors and improved conditions for its own people. Political and economic cooperation between nations has grown rapidly.

I think every American can take a great deal of pride in the role that we have played in bringing this about in Southeast Asia. We can rightly judge as responsible Southeast Asians themselves do--that the progress of the past 3 years would have been far less likely--if not completely impossible--if America's sons and others had not made their stand in Vietnam.

At Johns Hopkins University, about 3 years ago, l announced that the United States would take part in the great work of developing Southeast Asia, including the Mekong Valley, for all the people of that region. Our determination to help build a better land--a better land for men on both sides of the present conflict--has not diminished in the least. Indeed, the ravages of war, I think, have made it more urgent than ever.

So, I repeat on behalf of the United States again tonight what I said at Johns Hopkins--that North Vietnam could take its place in this common effort just as soon as peace comes.

Over time, a wider framework of peace and security in Southeast Asia may become possible. The new cooperation of the nations of the area could be a foundation-stone. Certainly friendship with the nations of such a Southeast Asia is what the United States seeks and that is all that the United States seeks.

One day, my fellow citizens, there will be peace in Southeast Asia.

It will come because the people of Southeast Asia want it--those whose armies are at war tonight, and those who, though threatened, have thus far been spared. Peace will come because Asians were willing to work for it--and to sacrifice for it--and to die by the thousands for it.

But let it never be forgotten: Peace will come also because America sent her sons to help secure it.

It has not been easy--far from it. During the past 4 1/2 years, it has been my fate and my responsibility to be Commander in Chief. I have lived--daily and nightly--with the cost of this war. l know the pain that it has inflicted. I know, perhaps better than anyone, the misgivings that it has aroused.

Throughout this entire, long period, I have been sustained by a single principle: that what we are doing now, in Vietnam, is vital not only to the security of Southeast Asia, but it is vital to the security of every American.

Surely we have treaties which we must respect. Surely we have commitments that we are going to keep. Resolutions of the Congress testify to the need to resist aggression in the world and in Southeast Asia.

But the heart of our involvement in South Vietnam--under three different Presidents, three separate administrations--has always been America's own security.

And the larger purpose of our involvement has always been to help the nations of Southeast Asia become independent and stand alone, self-sustaining, as members of a great world community--at peace with themselves, and at peace with all others.

With such an Asia, our country--and the world--will be far more secure than it is tonight.

I believe that a peaceful Asia is far nearer to reality because of what America has done in Vietnam. l believe that the men who endure the dangers of battle fighting there for us tonight-- are helping the entire world avoid far greater conflicts, far wider wars, far more destruction, than this one.

The peace that will bring them home someday will come. Tonight I have offered the first in what I hope will be a series of mutual moves toward peace.

I pray that it will not be rejected by the leaders of North Vietnam. I pray that they will accept it as a means by which the sacrifices of their own people may be ended. And I ask your help and your support, my fellow citizens, for this effort to reach across the battlefield toward an early peace.

Finally, my fellow Americans, let me say this:

Of those to whom much is given, much is asked. l cannot say and no man could say that no more will be asked of us.

Yet, l believe that now, no less than when the decade began, this generation of Americans is willing to "pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty."

Since those words were spoken by John F. Kennedy, the people of America have kept that compact with mankind's noblest cause.

And we shall continue to keep it.

Yet, I believe that we must always be mindful of this one thing, whatever the trials and the tests ahead. The ultimate strength of our country and our cause will lie not in powerful weapons or infinite resources or boundless wealth, but will lie in the unity of our people.

This I believe very deeply.

Throughout my entire public career I have followed the personal philosophy that I am a free man, an American, a public servant, and a member of my party, in that order always and only.

For 37 years in the service of our Nation, first as a Congressman, as a Senator, and as Vice President, and now as your President, l have put the unity of the people first. l have put it ahead of any divisive partisanship.

And in these times as in times before, it is true that a house divided against itself by the spirit of faction, of party, of region, of religion, of race, is a house that cannot stand.

There is division in the American house now.

There is divisiveness among us all tonight. And holding the trust that is mine, as President of all the people, l cannot disregard the peril to the progress of the American people and the hope and the prospect of peace for all peoples.

So, I would ask all Americans, whatever their personal interests or concern, to guard against divisiveness and all its ugly consequences.

Fifty-two months and 10 days ago, in a moment of tragedy and trauma, the duties of this office fell upon me. I asked then for your help and God's, that we might continue America on its course, binding up our wounds, healing our history, moving forward in new unity, to clear the American agenda and to keep the American commitment for all of our people.

United we have kept that commitment. United we have enlarged that commitment.

Through all time to come, l think America will be a stronger nation, a more just society, and a land of greater opportunity and fulfillment because of what we have all done together in these years of unparalleled achievement.

Our reward will come in the life of freedom, peace, and hope that our children will enjoy through ages ahead.

What we won when all of our people united just must not now be lost in suspicion, distrust, selfishness, and politics among any of our people.

Believing this as I do, I have concluded that I should not permit the Presidency to become involved in the partisan divisions that are developing in this political year.

With America's sons in the fields far away, with America's future under challenge right here at home, with our hopes and the world's hopes for peace in the balance every day, l do not believe that I should devote an hour or a day of my time to any personal partisan causes or to any duties other than the awesome duties of this office--the Presidency of your country.

Accordingly, l shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President.

But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong, a confident, and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace--and stands ready tonight to defend an honored cause whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.

Thank you for listening.

Good night and God bless all of you.

Source: The Official Site of the U.S. Constitution

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

President Discusses the Future of Iraq (February 26, 2003)

Washington Hilton Hotel

Washington, D.C.

7:22 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for the warm welcome. I'm proud to be with the scholars, and the friends, and the supporters of the American Enterprise Institute. I want to thank you for overlooking my dress code violation. (Laughter.) They were about to stop me at the door, but Irving Kristol said, "I know this guy, let him in." (Laughter.)

Chris, thank you for your very kind introduction, and thank you for your leadership. I see many distinguished guests here tonight -- members of my Cabinet, members of Congress, Justice Scalia, Justice Thomas, and so many respected writers and policy experts. I'm always happy to see your Senior Fellow, Dr. Lynne Cheney. (Applause.) Lynne is a wise and thoughtful commentator on history and culture, and a dear friend to Laura and me. I'm also familiar with the good work of her husband -- (laughter.) You may remember him, the former director of my vice presidential search committee. (Laughter.) Thank God Dick Cheney said yes. (Applause.)

Thanks for fitting me into the program tonight. I know I'm not the featured speaker. I'm just a warm-up act for Allan Meltzer. But I want to congratulate Dr. Meltzer for a lifetime of achievement, and for tonight's well-deserved honor. Congratulations. (Applause.)

At the American Enterprise Institute, some of the finest minds in our nation are at work on some of the greatest challenges to our nation. You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20 such minds. I want to thank them for their service, but I also want to remind people that for 60 years, AEI scholars have made vital contributions to our country and to our government, and we are grateful for those contributions.

We meet here during a crucial period in the history of our nation, and of the civilized world. Part of that history was written by others; the rest will be written by us. (Applause.) On a September morning, threats that had gathered for years, in secret and far away, led to murder in our country on a massive scale. As a result, we must look at security in a new way, because our country is a battlefield in the first war of the 21st century.

We learned a lesson: The dangers of our time must be confronted actively and forcefully, before we see them again in our skies and in our cities. And we set a goal: we will not allow the triumph of hatred and violence in the affairs of men. (Applause.)

Our coalition of more than 90 countries is pursuing the networks of terror with every tool of law enforcement and with military power. We have arrested, or otherwise dealt with, many key commanders of al Qaeda. (Applause.) Across the world, we are hunting down the killers one by one. We are winning. And we're showing them the definition of American justice. (Applause.) And we are opposing the greatest danger in the war on terror: outlaw regimes arming with weapons of mass destruction.

In Iraq, a dictator is building and hiding weapons that could enable him to dominate the Middle East and intimidate the civilized world -- and we will not allow it. (Applause.) This same tyrant has close ties to terrorist organizations, and could supply them with the terrible means to strike this country -- and America will not permit it. The danger posed by Saddam Hussein and his weapons cannot be ignored or wished away. The danger must be confronted. We hope that the Iraqi regime will meet the demands of the United Nations and disarm, fully and peacefully. If it does not, we are prepared to disarm Iraq by force. Either way, this danger will be removed. (Applause.)

The safety of the American people depends on ending this direct and growing threat. Acting against the danger will also contribute greatly to the long-term safety and stability of our world. The current Iraqi regime has shown the power of tyranny to spread discord and violence in the Middle East. A liberated Iraq can show the power of freedom to transform that vital region, by bringing hope and progress into the lives of millions. America's interests in security, and America's belief in liberty, both lead in the same direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq. (Applause.)

The first to benefit from a free Iraq would be the Iraqi people, themselves. Today they live in scarcity and fear, under a dictator who has brought them nothing but war, and misery, and torture. Their lives and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein -- but Iraqi lives and freedom matter greatly to us. (Applause.)

Bringing stability and unity to a free Iraq will not be easy. Yet that is no excuse to leave the Iraqi regime's torture chambers and poison labs in operation. Any future the Iraqi people choose for themselves will be better than the nightmare world that Saddam Hussein has chosen for them. (Applause.)

If we must use force, the United States and our coalition stand ready to help the citizens of a liberated Iraq. We will deliver medicine to the sick, and we are now moving into place nearly 3 million emergency rations to feed the hungry.

We'll make sure that Iraq's 55,000 food distribution sites, operating under the Oil For Food program, are stocked and open as soon as possible. The United States and Great Britain are providing tens of millions of dollars to the U.N. High Commission on Refugees, and to such groups as the World Food Program and UNICEF, to provide emergency aid to the Iraqi people.

We will also lead in carrying out the urgent and dangerous work of destroying chemical and biological weapons. We will provide security against those who try to spread chaos, or settle scores, or threaten the territorial integrity of Iraq. We will seek to protect Iraq's natural resources from sabotage by a dying regime, and ensure those resources are used for the benefit of the owners -- the Iraqi people. (Applause.)

The United States has no intention of determining the precise form of Iraq's new government. That choice belongs to the Iraqi people. Yet, we will ensure that one brutal dictator is not replaced by another. All Iraqis must have a voice in the new government, and all citizens must have their rights protected. (Applause.)

Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from many nations, including our own: we will remain in Iraq as long as necessary, and not a day more. America has made and kept this kind of commitment before -- in the peace that followed a world war. After defeating enemies, we did not leave behind occupying armies, we left constitutions and parliaments. We established an atmosphere of safety, in which responsible, reform-minded local leaders could build lasting institutions of freedom. In societies that once bred fascism and militarism, liberty found a permanent home.

There was a time when many said that the cultures of Japan and Germany were incapable of sustaining democratic values. Well, they were wrong. Some say the same of Iraq today. They are mistaken. (Applause.) The nation of Iraq -- with its proud heritage, abundant resources and skilled and educated people -- is fully capable of moving toward democracy and living in freedom. (Applause.)

The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic values, because stable and free nations do not breed the ideologies of murder. They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better life. And there are hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the Middle East. Arab intellectuals have called on Arab governments to address the "freedom gap" so their peoples can fully share in the progress of our times. Leaders in the region speak of a new Arab charter that champions internal reform, greater politics participation, economic openness, and free trade. And from Morocco to Bahrain and beyond, nations are taking genuine steps toward politics reform. A new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the region. (Applause.)

It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region of the world -- or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim -- is somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the same good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe from brutal and bullying oppression, human beings are the same. In our desire to care for our children and give them a better life, we are the same. For these fundamental reasons, freedom and democracy will always and everywhere have greater appeal than the slogans of hatred and the tactics of terror. (Applause.)

Success in Iraq could also begin a new stage for Middle Eastern peace, and set in motion progress towards a truly democratic Palestinian state. (Applause.) The passing of Saddam Hussein's regime will deprive terrorist networks of a wealthy patron that pays for terrorist training, and offers rewards to families of suicide bombers. And other regimes will be given a clear warning that support for terror will not be tolerated. (Applause.)

Without this outside support for terrorism, Palestinians who are working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better position to choose new leaders. (Applause.) True leaders who strive for peace; true leaders who faithfully serve the people. A Palestinian state must be a reformed and peaceful state that abandons forever the use of terror. (Applause.)

For its part, the new government of Israel -- as the terror threat is removed and security improves -- will be expected to support the creation of a viable Palestinian state --(applause) -- and to work as quickly as possible toward a final status agreement. As progress is made toward peace, settlement activity in the occupied territories must end. (Applause.) And the Arab states will be expected to meet their responsibilities to oppose terrorism, to support the emergence of a peaceful and democratic Palestine, and state clearly they will live in peace with Israel. (Applause.)

The United States and other nations are working on a road map for peace. We are setting out the necessary conditions for progress toward the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. It is the commitment of our government -- and my personal commitment -- to implement the road map and to reach that goal. Old patterns of conflict in the Middle East can be broken, if all concerned will let go of bitterness, hatred, and violence, and get on with the serious work of economic development, and political reform, and reconciliation. America will seize every opportunity in pursuit of peace. And the end of the present regime in Iraq would create such an opportunity. (Applause.)

In confronting Iraq, the United States is also showing our commitment to effective international institutions. We are a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. We helped to create the Security Council. We believe in the Security Council -- so much that we want its words to have meaning. (Applause.)

The global threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction cannot be confronted by one nation alone. The world needs today and will need tomorrow international bodies with the authority and the will to stop the spread of terror and chemical and biological and nuclear weapons. A threat to all must be answered by all. High-minded pronouncements against proliferation mean little unless the strongest nations are willing to stand behind them -- and use force if necessary. After all, the United Nations was created, as Winston Churchill said, to "make sure that the force of right will, in the ultimate issue, be protected by the right of force."

Another resolution is now before the Security Council. If the council responds to Iraq's defiance with more excuses and delays, if all its authority proves to be empty, the United Nations will be severely weakened as a source of stability and order. If the members rise to this moment, then the Council will fulfill its founding purpose.

I've listened carefully, as people and leaders around the world have made known their desire for peace. All of us want peace. The threat to peace does not come from those who seek to enforce the just demands of the civilized world; the threat to peace comes from those who flout those demands. If we have to act, we will act to restrain the violent, and defend the cause of peace. And by acting, we will signal to outlaw regimes that in this new century, the boundaries of civilized behavior will be respected. (Applause.)

Protecting those boundaries carries a cost. If war is forced upon us by Iraq's refusal to disarm, we will meet an enemy who hides his military forces behind civilians, who has terrible weapons, who is capable of any crime. The dangers are real, as our soldiers, and sailors, airmen, and Marines fully understand. Yet, no military has ever been better prepared to meet these challenges.

Members of our Armed Forces also understand why they may be called to fight. They know that retreat before a dictator guarantees even greater sacrifices in the future. They know that America's cause is right and just: liberty for an oppressed people, and security for the American people. And I know something about these men and women who wear our uniform: they will complete every mission they are given with skill, and honor, and courage. (Applause.)

Much is asked of America in this year 2003. The work ahead is demanding. It will be difficult to help freedom take hold in a country that has known three decades of dictatorship, secret police, internal divisions, and war. It will be difficult to cultivate liberty and peace in the Middle East, after so many generations of strife. Yet, the security of our nation and the hope of millions depend on us, and Americans do not turn away from duties because they are hard. We have met great tests in other times, and we will meet the tests of our time. (Applause.)

We go forward with confidence, because we trust in the power of human freedom to change lives and nations. By the resolve and purpose of America, and of our friends and allies, we will make this an age of progress and liberty. Free people will set the course of history, and free people will keep the peace of the world.

Thank you all, very much. (Applause.)

END 7:50 P.M. EST


Tuesday, January 22, 2008

Fallen US Soldiers Serving in Iraq and Afghanistan -- Master Index

This was a sobering project--far too many names...

It was difficult to scroll through this sad roll.

No matter how one feels about the war itself, one should always respect the young men and women who have been sent to fight for our country, especially those on this list and those others who have been injured, both physically and psychologically.

Each name here represents a once-living young man or woman who sacrificed his/her life for our country.

Each name is more than just a name or abstract symbol. Each name represents a person who was important to his/her family, friends, and community.

Each name is deeply mourned by the soldier's loved ones, not just a link in a column of black letters.

Just one name is one name too many.

Remember the following young men and women who gave their lives for our country.

Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index A


Abad, Roberto

Acevedo, Joseph

Acevedoaponte, Ramon A.

Acklin, Michael D., II

Acosta, Genaro

Acosta, Steven

Adair, James L.

Adamkavicius, Clayton L.

Adamouski, James F.

Adams, Algernon

Adams, Brandon E.

Adams, Brent A.

Adams, Clarence, III

Adams, Leonard W.

Adams, Mark P.

Adams, Michael R.

Adams, Michael S.

Adams, Shawn S.

Adams, Thomas Mullen

Adcock, Shane T.

Addison, Jamaal R.

Adkins, Dustin M.

Adle, Patrick R.

Adlesperger, Christopher S.

Agami, Daniel J.

Aguilar, Andres, Jr.

Aguirre, Anthony

Aguirre, Nathaniel A.

Ahearn, James M.

Ahlquist, Clinton W.

Ailes, Jeramy A.

Aitken, Tristan N.

Akers, Spencer C.

Akin, James C.

Akins, Kevin D.

Akintade, Segun Frederick

Alaniz, Paul C.

Alarcon, Ivan V.

Albert, Philip R.

Albrecht, Jesse B.

Alcantara, Juan M.

Alcozer, Christopher M.

Alday, Zachary M.

Aldrich, Nickalous N.

Alex, Eugene H. E.

Alexander, George T., Jr.

Alexander, Leroy E.

Alexander, Matthew L.

Alexeev, Alexabdre A.

Alger, Tracy Lynn

Algrim, Wilson A.

Ali, Azhar

Allbaugh, Jeremy D.

Allcott, Jacob H.

Allen, Chad M.

Allen, Charles D.

Allen, Howard P.

Allen, John E.

Allen, Lonnie C., Jr.

Allen, Louis E.

Allen, Ronald D., Jr.

Allen, Terrence P.

Allers, William A., III

Allgaier, Christopher M.

Allgood, Brian D.

Allison, Glen R.

Allison, Thomas F.

Allman, Daniel J., II

Allmon, Jeremy O.

Allred, Michael J.

Allton, Eric L.

Almazan, David J.

Alomar, Joseph D.

Alonzo, Joshua C.

Alvarez, Nicanor

Amaya, Daniel R.

Ames, Jason E.

Amos, John D., II

Amundson, William N., Jr.

Anderson, Andy D.

Anderson, Brian E.

Anderson, Carl L., Jr.

Anderson, Christopher A.

Anderson, Danny L.

Anderson, Ian C.

Anderson, Joshua R.

Anderson, Marc A.

Anderson, Michael C.

Anderson, Michael D.

Anderson, Nathan R.

Anderson, Nicholas H.

Anderson, Nicholas R.

Anderson, Norman W., III

Anderson, Stuart M.

Anderson, Travis W.

Anderson, Victor A.

Andino, Edwin A., II

Andrade, Michael

Andres, Joseph J., Jr.

Andrews, Evander E.

Andrews, Harley D.

Andrews, Lisa M.

Aneiros, Yoe M.

Angell, Levi T.

Anguiano, Edward J.

Angus, Brett E.

Anzack, Joseph J., Jr.

Apuan, Matthew S.

Arcala, Kurtis D. K.

Arcand, Elden D.

Archuleta, Tamara

Arciola, Michael A.

Ardron, Brian D.

Arechaga, Julian M.

Arellano, James J.

Argel, Derek

Argonish, Jan M.

Arizola, Roberto, Jr.

Armand, Reynold

Armijo, Raymond S.

Arms, Bradley T.

Armstead, Moses E.

Armstrong, David C.

Arndt, Travis M.

Arnette, Jason R.

Arnold, Andrew Todd

Arnold, Daniel L.

Arnold, James L.

Arnold, Larry R., Sr.

Arredondo, Alexander S.

Arrelanopandura, Carlos

Arriaga, Richard

Arroyave, Jimmy J.

Arsiaga, Robert R.

Arvanitis, Nicholas A.

Asbury, Brandon S.

Ashcraft, Evan Asa

Ashley, Benjamin J.

Aston, Trevor D.

Atkins, Julia V.

Atkins, Shawn M.

Atkins, Travis W.

Aubin, Jay Thomas

Auchman, Steven E.

August, Matthew J.

Aultz, Corey J.

Austin, Aaron C.

Austin, Alan J.

Austin, Shane R.

Avery, Garrison, C.

Avery, Jeffrey A.

Aviles, Andrew Julian

Axelson, Matthew G.

Ayala, Alejandro

Ayala, David

Ayala, Luis G.

Ayon, Eric A.

Ayres, Robert T., III

Ayro, Lionel


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

If your loved one does not appear on this list and should, please let me know, and I will add it.

Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index B


Babb, Brock A.

Babbitt, Travis A.

Babcock, Howard E., IV

Babin, Christopher J.

Babineau, David J.

Bacevich, Andrew J.

Bachar, Salem

Bachman, Travis S.

Bacon, Henry A.

Baddick, Andrew Joseph

Bader, Daniel A.

Baez, Cesar O.

Baez, Roberto C.

Bagwell, Charlie L.

Bailey, Gregory John

Bailey, Michael V.

Bailey, Nathan J.

Bailey, William L., III

Baines, Joe L.

Baker, Brian K.

Baker, Riley E.

Baker, Ronald W.

Baker, Ryan T.

Baker, Sherwood R.

Baker, Zachary D.

Balcon, Dane R.

Baldwin, Joel Egan

Baldwyn, Stephen P.

Bales, Chad E.

Balint, Paul, Jr.

Ball, Scott R.

Ball, Terry W., Jr.

Ballard, Kenneth Michael

Balmer, Ryan A.

Baloga, Michael A.

Balsley, Michael C.

Banaszak, Debra A.

Bancroft, Matthew W.

Bandhold, Scott M.

Bandonill, Metodio A.

Bangayan, Solomon C.

Banks, Barbaralien

Banks, Derek R.

Baragona, Dominic R.

Barber, Douglas

Barbieri, Thomas J.

Barbosa, Felipe C.

Barbret, Mark A.

Barcus. Collier E.

Barkey, Michael C.

Barlow, Patrick O.

Barnes, Eric M.

Barnes, Jonathan P.

Barnes, Matthew R.

Barnes, Nathan S.

Barnett, Christopher W.

Barnett, Jeremy D.

Barnhill, Edward C.

Barnhill, Michael S.

Baro, Jeremiah A.

Baroncini, Lester D., Jr.

Barr, Aric J.

Barraza, Ricardo

Barrera, Michael Paul

Barron, Bryan Edward

Barry, Michael C.

Barta, John

Bartels, Daniel D.

Bartlett, Benjamin B., Jr.

Bascom, Douglas E.

Basham, Robert J.

Bass, Aram J.

Bass, David A.

Bates, Todd N.

Battles, Michael, Sr.

Baucus, Phillip E.

Baughman, Nathaniel S.

Bauguess, Larry J., Jr.

Baum, Ronald E.

Baum, Ryan J.

Baum, Tane T.

Baylis, Matthew E.

Bayow, Steven G.

Beadles, Jason J.

Bean, Alan N., Jr.

Bean, Matthew A.

Beard, Bradley S.

Beardsley, William J.

Beasley, Bobby E.

Beatty, Jonathan S.

Beaulieu, Beau R.

Beaupre, Ryan Anthony

Bechert, Michael A.

Becker, Gunnar D.

Becker, Shane R.

Beckstrand, James L.

Bedard, Andrew D.

Beeler, Brent E.

Beery, Brock A.

Behnke, Joseph O.

Behrle, David W.

Beisel, Jacob W.

Belanger, Gregory A.

Belchik, Christopher

Bell, Aubrey D.

Bell, Rickey L.

Bell, Rusty W.

Bell, Ryan M.

Bell, Timothy M., Jr.

Bellard, Wilfred D.

Bellavia, Joseph P.

Bell-Johnson, Katrina L.

Belser, Donnie R., Jr.

Benford, Jason A.

Benish, Stephen C.

Bennett, Keith A.

Bennett, Richard A.

Bennett, William M.

Benson, Darry

Benson, Johnathan L.

Benson, Michael A.

Benson, Robert T.

Bento, Anthony K.

Bentz, David J., III

Berg, Ryan R.

Bergeron, Bradley J.

Berlin, Joseph R., Jr.

Bernholtz, Eric J.

Bernstein, David R.

Berrettini, Richard J.

Berry, David R.

Berry, Sean B.

Bertoldie, Joel L.

Bertolino, Matthew L.

Bertolino, Stephen A.

Bertrand, Bryan P.

Best, Marvin

Beste, Bradley H.

Bevel, Ray M.

Bevington, Allan R.

Bewley, Kevin R.

Beyer, Paul A.

Bibby, Mark A.

Bicknell, Stephen D.

Bier, Joseph P.

Bievre, Mario J.

Biggers, Ethan J.

Bilbrey, Charles E., Jr.

Billiter, Gregory J.

Birch, Dustin V.

Birchett, Alicia A.

Sgt. Tracy R. Birkman

Bishop, Jason L.

Bishop, Jeffery A.

Bishop, Ryan A.

Biskie, Benjamin W., Sr.

Bisson, Jeffrey D.

Bitz, Michael E.

Bixler, Evan A.

Bixler, Stephen R.

Black, Jarrod W.

Blackwell, Justin R.

Blair, Jonathan F.

Blair, Robert E.

Blair, Thomas A.

Blaise, Michael T.

Blake, Joseph R.

Blakley, Richard A.

Blamires, Jesse A.

Blanco, Ernesto M.

Blanco, Joseph A.

Bland, Brian D.

Blaney, Christopher T.

Blaney, Joshua C.

Blankenbecler, James D.

Blanton, Jeffrey S.

Blaskowski, Matthew D.

Blazer, Melvin L.

Blecksmith, James P.

Blessing, Jay A.

Blickenstaff, Joseph M.

Block, Kamisha J.

Blodgett, Clinton C.

Blodgett, Nicholas H.

Bloem, Nicholas William B.

Blohm, Alan R.

Bloomfield, Gerald M., II

Blue, Shaun M.

Blum, Aron C.

Blumberg, Trevor A.

Boatman, Darrell W.

Boatright, Michael L.

Bobb, Brandon K.

Bock, Amos C. R.

Bocks, Phillip A.

Boehmer, Jeremiah J.

Bogrette, Henry W.

Bohannon, Jeremy S.

Bohling, Matthew C.

Bohlman, Jeremy L.

Bohr Jr., Jeffrey E.

Bohrnsen, Kyle G.

Bolar, Matthew T.

Bolding, Todd J.

Boles, Dennis J.

Boling, Craig A.

Bollinger Jr, Doyle W.

Bolor, Kelly

Bonifacio, Jerry L., Jr.

Bonilla, Orlando A.

Bonnell, Jon E., Jr.

Booker, Darryl D.

Booker, Kenneth R.

Booker, Stevon A.

Boone, Christopher K.

Boone, Clarence E.

Booth, Joshua L.

Borbonus, John G.

Bordelon, Michael J.

Borea, Russell P.

Boria, John J.

Boris, David A.

Borm, Val J.

Boskovitch, Jeffrey A.

Bosselmann, Kirk J.

Bossert, Andrew L.

Bostic, Kenneth E.

Bostick, Thomas G., Jr.

Bosveld, Rachel K.

Boswell, Samuel M.

Botello, Brian A.

Bouchard, Nathan K.

Bouffard, Jeremy P.

Boule, Nathew G.

Bourdon, Elvis

Bourgeois, Matthew J.

Bouthot, Michael E.

Bow, Jeremy D.

Bowe, Matthew C.

Bowen, Samuel R.

Bowling, Jonathan W.

Bowling, Theodore A.

Bowling, William G.

Bowman, Jon E.

Bowman, Larry R.

Bowman, Timothy N.

Box, Hesley, Jr.

Boyce, Timothy R.

Boyd, Joshua M.

Boye, Noah L.

Boyles, Aaron

Brabazon, Edward W.

Bradach-Nall, Travis J.

Bradbury, Brian J.

Bradfield, Hoby F., Jr.

Bradley, Kenneth R.

Bradshaw, Anthony M.

Bramer, Michael J.

Brand, Emerson N.

Brandon, Stacey C.

Brangman, David J.

Branning, David M.

Brassfield, Artimus D.

Braswell, Darren D.

Brattain, Joel K.

Braun, Jeffrey F.

Bravo, Raul S.

Brazee, Joshua T.

Brehm, Dale G.

Brennan, Joshua C.

Brennan, William I.

Brevard, Christopher R.

Brewer, Adam N.

Brewster, Bryan A.

Bridges, James L.

Bridges, Michael P.

Bridges, Steven H.

Bright, Dean R.

Bright, Scottie L.

Brinlee, Kyle A.

Briones, Pablito Oena

Brisky, Dustin R.

Britt, Benjamin T.

Britt, Sandy R.

Brixey, Billy D., Jr.

Brock, Sean L.

Brodnick, Phillip J.

Brooks, Adam R.

Brooks, Cory W.

Brooks, Edward L.

Brooks, William J.

Brookshire, Sid W.

Broomhead, Thomas F.

Brown, Andrew W.

Brown, Bruce E.

Brown, Demarkus D.

Brown, Dominic C.

Brown, Donald S.

Brown, Harrison

Brown, Henry L.

Brown, James E.

Brown, Jeffery S.

Brown, Jeremy A.

Brown, John E.

Brown, John G.

Brown, Joshua D.

Brown, Kevin R.

Brown, Kyle W.

Brown, Larry K.

Brown, Lunsford B., II

Brown, Menelek M.

Brown, Micheal D.

Brown, Nathan P.

Brown, Nicholas P.

Brown, Oliver J.

Brown, Philip D.

Brown, Scott J.

Brown, Timmy R.

Brown, Timothy D.

Brown, Timothy W.

Brown, Tyler H.

Brown, William E.

Brown, William R.

Brownfield, Andrew D.

Browning, Brian A.

Browning, Charles R.

Brown-Weeks, Ari D.

Brozovich, Daniel A.

Bruce, Travis R.

Bruckenthal, Nathan B.

Bruner, Thomas L.

Bruns, Cedric E.

Brunson, Jacques E.

Bryan, Benjamin S.

Bryant, Jack, Jr.

Bryant, Todd J.

Bryson, Stephen L.

Bubb, Daniel Scott R.

Bubeck, John T.

Buchan, Raymond R.

Bucklew, Ernest G.

Buckley, Roy

Buckley, Ryan J.

Bucklin, Brock L.

Bueche, Paul J.

Buehring, Charles H.

Buerstetta, Richard A.

Buesing, Brian Rory

Buford, Travis W.

Buggs, George E.

Buie, Jimmy D.

Bullard, James D.

Bunch, Joshua I.

Bunda, Christopher

Burbank, Michael L.

Burdick, Richard A.

Burge, Jerry C.

Burger, Dale A., Jr.

Burgess, Alan J.

Burgess, Bryan K.

Burgess, Jeffrey C.

Burgess, Ryan J.

Burk, Taylor J.

Burkart, Armer N.

Burke, Timothy R.

Burkett, Tamario D.

Burkhardt, Travis L.

Burks, Peter H.

Burnett, Jason K.

Burns, Kyle W.

Spc. Richard B. Burress

Burri, Eric T.

Burridge, David P.

Burris, Jeremy W.

Burrows, Joshua C.

Buryj, Jesse R.

Bush, Charles E.

Bush, Matthew D.

Bushart, Damian S.

Bushnell, William W.

Bustamante, Marlon A.

Butcher, Steve, Jr.

Butkus, Jason M.

Butler, Adrian J.

Butler, Jacob L.

Butler, Kenneth J.

Butler, Kenneth T.

Butler, Rhett A.

Butterfield, Anthony E.

Buzzard, Jason J.

Byers, Casey

Byers, Joshua T.

Byler, William J.

Byrd, Henry G., III

Byrd, John T., II

Byrd, Thomas H.


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

If your loved one does not appear on this list and should, please let me know, and I will add it.

Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index C


Caban, Eric

Cabino, Shayne M.

Cabralbanuelos, Juan C.

Cadavero, Jonathan D.

Caddy, Marshall H.

Cady, Frank L., III

Cagle, Daniel P.

Caguioa, Mark R. C.

Cahill, Joel E.

Cain, Marcus A.

Cajimat, Jay S.

Calapini, Lewis T. D.

Calavan, Cody S.

Calderon, Juan, Jr.

Calderon, Pablo A.

Calderon-Ascencio, Roland E.

Caldwell, Eric T.

Caldwell, Nathaniel A.

Caldwell. Charles T.

Calero, Jeffrey R.

Calhoun, Derek A.

Callahan, Bobby T.

Callahan, Keith A.

Callahan, William J.

Calloway, Isaiah

Camacho, Anamarie Sannicolas

Camacho, Leeroy A.

Camacho-Rivera, Carlos M.

Camara, Joseph

Cambridge, Lyle J.

Camilomatos, Radhames

Campbell, Damion G.

Campbell, Jaime L.

Campbell, Jeremy M.

Campbell, Michael C.

Campbell, Ryan M.

Campos, Juan F.

Camposiles, Marvin A.

Campoy, Isaac

Canegata, David C., III

Cann, Adam L.

Cannan, Kelly M.

Canning, Wesley J.

Cannon, Mark R.

Cantafio, Ryan J.

Cantrell, Joseph H., IV

Cantu, Philip

Caradine, Ervin, Jr.

Carballo, Adolfo C.

Carbonaro, Alessandro

Cardelli, Sean T.

Cardenas, Edgar E.

Cardinal, Anthony O.

Carey, Michael M.

Cariaga, Deyson K.

Carl, Richard P.

Carlock, Ryan G.

Carlson, Frederick A.

Carlson, Michael C.

Carman, Benjamin R.

Carman, Edward W.

Carnes, Nicholas R.

Carney, Scott M.

Carr, Robert M.

Carrasquillo, Jocelyn L.

Carrasquillo, Miguel

Carriker, Casey S.

Carrillo, Alejandro

Carrillo, Rafael A., Jr.

Carroll, James D.

Carroll, John A.

Carter, Curtis A.

Carter, Justin B.

Carter, Lawrence J.

Carter, Mark T.

Caruso, David M., III

Carver, Cody M.

Carver, Dane O.

Carver, Mitchell K., Jr.

Carvill, Frank T.

Casanova, Jose

Casavant, Casey

Case, Virgil R.

Casey, Thomas J.

Cash, Christopher S.

Cashe, Alwyn C.

Casica, Kenith

Casillas, Landon R.

Cason, Ahmed A.

Casper, James A.

Cassidy, Paul J.

Castellano, Stephen A.

Castillo, Luis J.

Castillo, Mario A.

Castle, Samuel T.

Castleberry, Roger D., Jr.

Castner, Stephen W.

Castro, Jesse J. J.

Castro, Jonathan

Castro, Roland L.

Catalan, Romel

Cataudella, Sean K.

Cates, Steven C. T.

Cathey, James J.

Caughman, Thomas D.

Causor, Roberto J., Jr.

Cauthorn, Forrest D.

Cavanaugh, Stephen

Cawley, James W.

Cawvey, Jessica L.

Cayer, Geofrey R.

Cedergren, David A.

Celestine, Willie P., Jr.

Ceniceros, Manuel A.

Ceo, Bernard L.

Cepeda, Aaron N., Sr.

Cerrone, Michael A.

Cervantes, Victor H.

Chaires, Daniel B.

Chambers, William C.

Champlin, Donald E.

Chamroeun, James

Chan, Doron

Chanawongse, Kemaphoom A.

Chance, James A., III

Chandler, Jeremy A.

Chaney, Jeffrey L.

Chaney, William D.

Channell, Robert William, Jr.

Chao, Cornell C.

Chapin, Chris S.

Chapman, John A.

Chapman, Nathan Ross

Chappell, Jason K.

Charette, Holly A.

Charfauros, Joe G., Jr.

Chase, Lance M.

Chavez, Daniel

Chavez, Javier, Jr.

Chavez, Steven M.

Chavis, Leebernard E.

Chay, Kyu H.

Cheatham, Jonathan M.

Checo, Steven

Chen, Yihjyh L.

Cherava, Nicholas O.

Cherry, Craig W.

Cherry. Marcus M.

Chevalier, Brian L.

Childers, Therrel S.

Childress, Kyle W.

Chiomento, Robert J.

Chisholm, Tyrone L.

Chism, Jonathan B.

Chitjian, Adam J.

Choi, Min S.

Chris, Andrew F.

Christensen, Curtis A., Jr.

Christensen, Gerry Willard

Christensen, Jeremy E.

Christensen, Ryan D.

Christensen, Thomas W.

Christian, Brett T.

Christoff, David R.

Christopher, Caleb P.

Church, Theodore U.

Cifuentes, Michael J.

Ciraso, James Kristofer R.

CisnerosAlvarez, Julio C.

Clairday, Jason S.

Clamens, Lillian

Clark, Arron R.

Clark, Carlton A.

Clark, Cory L.

Clark, Eric D.

Clark, Lance M.

Clark, Matthew W.

Clark, Michael J.

Clark, Regina R.

Clark, Ryan J.

Clark, Theodore, Jr.

Clarke, Kevin M.

Clarkston, Thomas L.

Clary, Don A.

Claunch, Herbert R.

Clay, Daniel J.

Clay, Darrell P.

Clayton, Hayes

Clearman, Brent

Cleary, Michael J.

Clemens, Brian M.

Clemens, Shawn M.

Clemmons, Brad A.

Clemons, Nathan B.

Clemons, Thomas W.

Cleveland, Adare W.

Clevenger, Ross A.

Clifton, Karen N.

Clifton, Richard C.

Cline, Donald J.

Clouser, Zachary R.

Clowers, Jesse G., Jr.

Cobb, Christopher R.

Cockerham, Benny G., III

Codner, Kyle W.

Coffelt, Ronald L.

Coffin, Christopher D.

Cohee, Walter F, III

Cohen, Michael R.

Coker, Lance W.

Colburn, Gavin J.

Cole, Jeremiah S.

Cole, Timothy B., Jr.

Coleman, Bradli N.

Coleman, Gary B.

Coles, Dominic R.

Colgan, Benjamin J.

Collado, Jay T.

Collier, Russell L.

Collins, David S.

Collins, Gary L.

Collins, James S., Jr.

Collins, Jonathan W.

Collins, Randy D.

Collins, Ryan D.

Collinsworth, Clifford R.

Colnot, Kyle A.

Colon, Pedro J.

Colton, Lawrence S.

Colunga, Zeferino E.

Colvill, Robert E., Jr.

Combs, Casey D.

Comeaux, Kurt J.

Cometa, Anthony S.

Comley, Chase J.

Commons, Matthew A.

Commons, Matthew A.

Conboy, Adam C.

Conde, Kenneth, Jr.

Conley, Matthew D.

Connell, James D., Jr.

Conner, Bradly D.

Conner, Brian R.

Conneway, Timothy M.

Connolly, David S.

Conover, Steven D.

Conte, Matthew G.

Contreras, Aaron J.

Contreras, Andres J.

Contreras, Pedro

Cook, Jason

Cook, Robert J.

Cooke, Eric F.

Cooley, Sean M.

Coon, James J.

Cooper, Charles S., Jr.

Cooper, David A., Jr.

Cooper, Jason

Cooper, John E.

Cooper, Travis S.

Cooper, Troy D.

Corban, Jeffrey W.

Corbett, Jason J.

Cordova, Ramon E. Gonzales

Corlew, Sean M.

Cornell, Todd R.

Cornell, Wayne R.

Cornett, Lance S.

Corniel, Marcelino R.

Corpuz, Bernard P.

Corral, Dennis A.

Correa, Richard V.

Cortes, Isaac T.

Cortes, Victor M., III

Cosgrove, Christopher B., III

Costello, James F., III

Costello, Jeremiah D.

Cote, Budd M.

Cothran, Derrick J.

Cottrell, Eric D.

Coullard, David J.

Coulter, Alexander S.

Courneya, Daniel W.

Cournoyer, Nicholas R.

Courtney, Kelley L.

Coutu, Matthew S.

Covert, Dwane A., Jr.

Cowherd, Leonard M.

Cox, Gregory A.

Cox, Ryan R.

Cox, Simon T., Jr.

Crabtree, Daniel B.

Crackel, Alexander B.

Craig, Andre, Jr.

Craig, Brandon M.

Craig, Brian T.

Craig, Heath N.

Sgt. James E. Craig

Crane, Richard M.

Crate, Casey

Craver, Johnny K.

Creager, Timothy R.

Creamean, Tyler L.

Creed, Matthew W.

Creighton, Shawn R.

Crocker, Ricardo A.

Crockett, Ricky L.

Crockett. Michael T.

Crombie, David N.

Cronkrite, Brud J.

Cpl. Duncan C. Crookston

Crose, Bradley S.

Cross, Kenneth M.

Crouch, William J.

Crow, William W., Jr.

Crowe, Terrence K.

Crowell, Thomas A.

Crowley, Kyle D.

Crumpler, Adam J.

Crutchfield, Michael J.

Cruz, Joseph

Cuaresma, Sirlou C.

Cubert, Clinton W.

Cuellar, Bacillio E.

Cuervo, Rey D.

Cuka, Daniel M.

Culbertson, Russell G., III

Cuming, Kevin A.

Cummings, Branden C.

Cummings, Ryan J.

Cunningham, Daniel Francis

Cunningham, Darren J.

Cunningham, Jason D.

Curran, Carl F.

Curreri, Joseph F.

Curry, Michael S., Jr.

Curtin, Michael Edward

Cutchall, Christopher E.

Cutter, Brian K.


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

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Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index D


Daclan, Edgar P., Jr.

Dagostino, Anthony D.

Dahl, Joel A.

Daily, Mark J.

Dallas, Ernest W., Jr.

Dalley, Nathan S.

Dallman, Ryan S.

Dameron, Joel P.

Damon, Patrick D.

Dampier, Grant A.

Dan, Corey A.

Dang, Andrew S.

Daniel, Jason B.

Daniels, Danny B., II

Dantzler, Torey J.

Darga, Paul J.

Darling, Norman

Das, Eric B.

Daugherty, Steven Phillip

Daul, Andrew P.

Davenport, James R.

Davey, Seamus M.

Davids, Wesley G.

Davies, Shawn M.

Davila, Jessie

Davis, Adam J.

Davis, Anthony J., Jr.

Davis, Brandon L.

Davis, Bryant L.

Davis, Carletta S.

Davis, Chris

Davis, Craig

Davis, Daryl A.

Davis, David J.

Davis, Donald N.

Davis, Edward G., III

Davis, Gloria D.

Davis, Jefferson Donald

Davis, Justin R.

Davis, Kevin D.

Davis, Michael W.

Davis, Raphael S.

Davis, Robert G.

Davis, Steven A.

Davis, Todd E.

Davis, Wilbert

Davis, William N.

Davis, Zachariah S.

Day, David F.

Dayton, Jeffrey F.

Dayton, Kyle

Dazachacon, Edwin H.

De Leon, Mario K.

Deal, Lee Hamilton

Dean, James Emerick

Dearing, John W.

Deason, Michael L.

Deblanc, Darren A.

Debro, Germaine L.

Dechen, Kurt E.

Deckard, Matthew L.

Decol, Dustin

Deeds, Roger W.

Deem, Michael S.

Deese, Joshua

Defazio, Robert W.

Defrenn, Jason G.

Deghand, Bernard L.

Degiovine, Christopher

Dehn, Dariek E.

Deibler, Jason L.

Delatorre, Jesse D.

DeLeon, Lauro G., Jr.

Delgado, Marc A.

Delgreco, Felix M.

Demand, Jacob H.

Dembowski, Robert H.

DeMoors, Joseph D.

Dempsey, Kevin J.

Denfrund, Jason C.

Dengkhim, Tenzin

Dennie, Mike A.

Dennis, Jerod R.

Dennison, John R.

Dent, Darryl T.

Depew, Cory R.

DePottey, Jeremy E.

Deraps, Leon B.

Derenda, Robert V.

Derga, Dustin A.

Derks, Brian K.

DeRoo, Gabriel G.

Derrick, Andrew J.

Dervishi, Ervin

Desens, Daniel A.

Desiato, Travis R.

Desilets, Benjamin D.

Desjardins, Douglas C.

Detample, Nathaniel E.

Deuel, Michael R.

Deutsch, Michael J.

Dewey, Brandon

Deyarmin, Daniel N., Jr.

Diaz, Carlos J.

Diaz, Isaac E.

Diaz, Julia A.

Diazvarela, Sergio R.

Dicenzo, Douglas A.

Dickens, Tyler J.

Dickerson, Christopher M.

Dickinson, Joshua W.

Dickinson, Michael A., II

Dickison, Christopher W.

Dieruf, Nicholas J.

Diesing, Trevor J.

Dietrich, David E.

Dietz, Danny P.

Digiovanni, Jeremiah J.

Dill, Christopher W.

Dillon, Benjamin C.

Dillon, Matthew V.

Dima, Catalin D.

Dimaranan, Jeremy M.

Dingler, Joshua P.

Diraimondo, Michael A.

Disney, Jason A.

Dively, Duane W.

Dixon, Anthony J.

Dixon, Christopher R.

Dixon, Derek C.

Dixon, Donnie D.

Dixon, Robert J.

Dobogai, Derek A.

Dodson, Philip A.

Doerflinger, Thomas K.

Dolan, Daniel G.

Doles, John G.

Doltz, Ryan E.

Dominguez, Carlos

Domino, Chadrick O.

Donaldson, Christopher B.

Dones, Jacob D.

Donica, Dustin R.

Dooley, Mark H.

Dooley, Michael E.

Dore, Jason E.

Dorff, Patrick D.

Doria, Richwell A.

Doring, Nathanael J.

Dorrity, James P.

Dossett, Trace W.

Doster, James D.

Dostie, Shawn C.

Dostie, Thomas J.

Dougherty, Scott E.

Dowdy, Robert J.

Downey, Michael A.

Downing, Stephen P., II

Downs, William

Doyle, Jeremy W.

Dozier, Jonathan K.

Drake, Chad H.

Drakulich, David J.

Draughn, George R., Jr.

Drawl, Robert E., Jr.

Dreasky, Duane J.

Dreese, Justin W.

Dressler, Shawn E.

Drexler, Jeremy L.

Drier, Charles A.

Dronet, Brandon R.

Dudkiewicz, Kasper A.

Duenas, Joseph J.

Duerksen, Amy A.

Duffman, Scott E.

Duffy, Christopher M.

Dulay, Delfin

Dumas, Joseph C., Jr.

Dunckley, Allen J.

Dunham, Jason L.

Dunham, Robert E.

Dunigan, Joe L., Jr.

Dunkin, Shawn M.

Dunkleberger, Brent W.

Dunlap, Brian E.

Dunn, Clayton G., II

Dunn, Jeannette T.

Dunn, Terrence D.

Duplantier, Arnold, II

Duran, Joan J.

Durbin, Jerry M., Jr.

Durgin, Russell M.

Durkin, Ciara M.

DuSang, Robert L.

Dusenbery, William D.

Dvorin, Seth J.

Dwelley, Jason B.

Dyer, Christopher J.

Dyer, Scott W.

Dykman, Scott D.


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

If your loved one does not appear on this list and should, please let me know, and I will add it.

Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index E


Eacho, Donald W.

Eason, Carl A.

Eaton, Richard S., Jr.

Ebert, Blain M.

Ebert, Christopher S.

Echols, Thomas P.

Eckert, Gary A., Jr.

Eckfield, Robert F., Jr.

Eckhardt, Christopher M.

Eckhart, William C.

Edds, Jonathan W.

Edens, William A.

Edge, James C.

Edgerton, Marshall L.

Edgin, Kevin F.

Edinger, Benjamin C.

Edmunds, Jonn J.

Edmundson, Phillip C.

Edwards, Amos C., Jr.

Edwards, Chase A.

Edwards, Mark O.

Edwards, Michael I.

Edwards, Shawn C.

Edwards, William L.

Egan, Michael

Eggers, Daniel W.

Eggers, Kyle A.

Egnor, Jody L.

Ehle, Jeremy W.

Ehney, Robert W.

Ehrlich, Andrew C.

Eischen, Nicholas D.

Eisenhauer, Wyatt D.

Elam, Gregory L.

Elandt, Aaron C.

Elazzpuzi, Farid

Elias, Elias

Elizalde, Adrian M.

Elizarraras, Emigdio E.

Ellenburg, Kevin J.

Elliott, Terry J.

Ellis, James D.

Ellis, Joseph J.

Ellis, Shane E.

Ellsworth, Justin M.

Elrod, Nathan R.

Elrod, Steven R.

Emanuel, William R., IV

Emch, Lucas W.A.

Emerson, Matthew J.

Emery, Blair W.

Emolo, Ebe F.

Emul, Adam Q.

Endlich, Cory M.

Endsley, Zachary R.

Engel, Mark E.

Engeldrum, Christian P.

Engeman, John W.

English, Shawn L.

Engstrom, Andrew T.

Enos, Peter G.

Eppich, Robert S.

Erberich, Christopher M.

Erdy, Nicholas B.

Escalante, Brian A.

Esckelson, Christopher E.

Escobar, Sergio H.

Espaillat, Pedro I., Jr,

Espiritu, Allan M. Cundanga

Esposito, Michael J., Jr.

Esposito, Phillip T.

Estep, Adam W.

Estep, James E.

Estes, Justin M.

Estralla-Soto, Ruben

Estrella, Michael A.

Etterling, Jonathan E.

Evans, David, Jr.

Evans, Kermit O.

Evans, Michael S., II

Evans, William L.

Everett, Christopher L.

Evey, Jason M.

Evnin, Mark A.

Ewens, Forrest P.

Ewing, Anthony D.

Ewing, Jeremy Ricardo

Eyerly, Justin L.

Ezernack, Troy S.


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

If your loved one does not appear on this list and should, please let me know, and I will add it.

Iraq/Afghanistan Wars: US Fallen Soldiers -- Index F


Faircloth, Bradley M.

Fairlie, Nathan P.

Falaniko, Jonathan I.

Fales, Adam R.

Falkel, Christopher M.

Falter, Shawn P.

Fargo, Adam J.

Farmer, Donald B.

Farnan, Colby M.

Farr, Clay P.

Farrar, Andrew K., Jr.

Farrar, William A., Jr.

Farris, Billy B.

Farrow, Jefferey J.

Fasnacht, Michael J.

Fassbender, Huey P. L.

Faulkenburg, Steven W.

Faulkner, James D.

Faulstich, Raymond J.

Faunce, Brian R.

Fegler, Jason A.

Feistner, Curtis D.

Fejeran, Gregory D.

Felder, Arthur L.

Felder, Tyanna S.

Felix, Glade L.

Fell, Robin V.

Felsberg, Paul M.

Felts, Thomas H., Sr.

Fender, Llythaniele

Feniello, Shelby J.

Fennerty, Sean P.

Fenton, Matthew J.

Fenty, Joseph J.

Ferderer, Dennis J., Jr.

Ferguson, Rian C.

Ferguson, Richard L.

Fernandez, Christopher J. C.

Fernandez, George A.

Fernandez, Kyle Ka Eo

Fernandez, William V.

Ferrara, Matthew C.

Ferrero, Marius L.

Ferrin, Clint D.

Fester, Gregory J.

Fettig, Jon P.

Fey, Tyler R.

Ficek, Damien Thai

Field, Nathan R.

Fielder, Michael A.

Fifer, Eric A.

Figueroa, Gabriel J.

Figueroa, Kristen K.

Figueroa, Luis A.

Finch, Courtney D.

Finke, Michael W., Jr.

Finken, Paul J.

Fischer, Jeremy J.

Fiscus, Keith E.

Fiscus, Michael T.

Fisher, David M.

Fisher, Donald E., II

Fisher, Dustin C.

Fisher, Paul F.

Fisher, Sean P.

Fite, Joseph E.

Fitzgerald, Almar L.

Fitzgerald, Dustin R.

Flanagan, Dennis J.

Flanigan, William T.

Fleischer, Jacob R.

Fletcher, Jacob S.

Flint, Marion, Jr.

Flores, John D.

Flores, Jonathan R.

Flores, Omar D.

Flores, Wilfred, Jr.

Flores-Mejia, Jose Rocardo

Florexil, Camy

Floyd, Alkaila T.

Floyd, Clarence L., Jr

Flynn, John M.

Flynn, Paul J.

Foley, Thomas A., III

Folks, Tommy I., Jr.

Folmar, Shane

Fonseca, Jesus

Fontan, Jacques J.

Fontanilla, Victor M.

Fontecchio, Elia P.

Fontenot, Jarred S.

Foraker, Ryan D.

Forbes, Aaron M.

Ford, David H., IV

Ford, Jason C.

Ford, Joshua A.

Ford, Michael L.

Ford, Phillip C.

Ford, Richard L.

Ford, Travis A.

Fordyce, James F.

Forshey, Curtis J.

Fortenberry, Wesley C.

Fortune, Maurice Keith

Foshee, Jeremy D.

Foster, Erick M.

Fouty, Byron W. (POW/MIA)

Fox, Bradley C.

Fox, Travis A.

Fracker, Dale E., Jr.

Fraise, David M.

Fralish, John T.

Frampton, Gregory Michael

Franco, Jason

Frank, Craig S.

Frank, Michael K.

Frank, Phillip E.

Frank, Stephen W.

Franklin, Benny S.

Franklin, Bobby C.

Franklin, Jermaine D.

Franklin, Michael W.

Frantz, Lucas A.

Frantz, Matthew C.

Frantz, Robert L.

Fraser, David M.

Fraser, Grant B.

Frassetto, Vincent M.

Frazier, Jacob L.

Frazier, Joshua J.

Frederick, Kendall K.

Frederick, Leslie, Jr.

Freeman, Benjamin L.

Freeman, Brian L.

Freeman, Brian S.

Freeman, Bryan L.

Freeman, Daniel J.

Freeman, Walter, Jr.

Freese, Shawn Michael

French, Carrie L.

Fresques, Jeremy

Freund, Steve W.

Fribley, David K.

Frickey, Armand L.

Friedrich, David T.

Frigo, Nathan J.

Frist, Luke P.

Frith, Kerry W.

Fritsche, William R.

Fritz, Jacob N.

Froehlich, Adam D.

Frosheiser, Kurt R.

Fry, John D.

Frye, Jason L.

Frye, Nichole M.

Fuentes, Daniel A.

Fuerst, Joseph F., III

Fuga, Michael T.

Fuhrmann, Ray M., II

Fulkerson, Timothy A.

Fulks, William B.

Fuller, Alexander H.

Fuller, Carl R.

Fuller, Chad C.

Fuller, Travis J.

Funcheon, Alexander J.

Funke, Kane M.

Funkhouser, James A.

Furman, Donald D.

Futrell, Marcus S., Jr.


If your loved one's name appears on this list, feel free to post a comment/story about him or her, or email me (Bugzita [at] your soldier's details, story, and/or photographs.

If your loved one does not appear on this list and should, please let me know, and I will add it.